After bin Laden, al-Qaeda in Iraq Looks for a Leader

Iraqi men read newspapers in Baghdad on May 3, 2011, displaying front-page headlines and photographs in response to the death of al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, a day after he was killed in a U.S. raid at his compound in Pakistan.

Ali Al-Saadi / AFP / Getty Images

By Nizar Latif and Sarah Price / Baghdad

TIME Magazine

Sunday, May 15, 2011

The death of Osama bin Laden comes at a time when al-Qaeda in Iraq has been shifting strategies in an effort to recover from years of setbacks. A source within the security department of the Iraqi government tells TIME that according to Baghdad's intelligence work, "al-Qaeda is setting up new plans in Iraq — changes in their leadership and locations, moving them from south to north, from one city to another. That makes us more worried that they could carry out successful attacks — and maybe a very big attack or revenge attacks for the death of bin Laden. Al-Qaeda promises to do these things, and I'm afraid that with all the added support they have now, they will be able to." Recent bombings, he says, prove they are still able to hit out at practically any moment.

After 9/11, when the U.S. war on Afghanistan destroyed bin Laden's ability to run al-Qaeda as a centralized organization, the terrorist leader anointed Abu Musab al-Zarqawi as the leader of al-Qaeda in Iraq to lead the campaign to take over the country in the post-Saddam era. But al-Zarqawi was killed in 2006, and so were his successors: first Abu Ayub al-Masri, then Abu Omar al-Baghdadi. As a result, al-Qaeda in Iraq adopted new tactics, says Mutlak Ak-Aljbori, a former al-Qaeda fighter turned U.S. ally in the Awakening movement that was key to the success of the 2007 surge. The embattled group kept its choice of new leadership a secret and changed the way it communicated with adherents. Instead of making physical contact, group members corresponded through encrypted text messages and the Internet. They also started wearing Western attire and shaving their beards so they would not stand out to the Americans or the Iraqi government.

But bin Laden always remained the inspirational core of the al-Qaeda ideology. He put his directives and vision of al-Qaeda leadership into a manifesto that spread across terrorist sites on the Internet, engendering like-minded organizations in Yemen, Syria, Egypt, Morocco, European nations and Russia. Even without a central command, these various al-Qaedas could connect with one another to conduct attacks or train new fighters in safer environments. The test now is whether the various al-Qaedas can continue their informal linkages without the unifying symbol (and facilitation) of bin Laden, who, according to what U.S. sources describe as his diary, remained keenly interested in approving his distant lieutenants as well as fomenting attacks against the West in spite of his fugitive status.

Bin Laden's deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, retains seniority in the organzation, but although al-Qaeda in Iraq has formally pledged support to him, most of the al-Qaeda leaders do not want to replace bin Laden with al-Zawahiri. First, they see the Egyptian physician as too old; second, many of them do not agree with his leadership methods; and third, they don't see eye to eye with him in his interpretation of the rules of Islam. TIME's sources were unwilling to detail these differences of opinion.

If anyone emerges as the new symbol of al-Qaeda ideology, it may be Anwar al-Awlaki, the U.S.-born Yemeni cleric who is the constant object of drone attacks in his ancestral country, one as recent as May 5. In contrast to al-Zawahiri, al-Qaeda adherents in Iraq see al-Awlaki as young and sharp. He has charisma and a strong personality that al-Zawahiri lacks and at the very least has inspired a number of attacks against Americans. Al-Qaeda sources see him as determined, even savage. Among Iraqis sympathetic to al-Qaeda, al-Awlaki possesses the traits of courage, leadership and manhood that they look up to. "In the end, I expect the one who will lead al-Qaeda after bin Laden will be Anwar al-Awlaki from Yemen," says Sadoun al-Mayahi, a political analyst and specialist in al-Qaeda and extremist groups in Iraq. "He is a young man and fresh, with a strong personality like bin Laden."

The only thing that appears to be in al-Awlaki's way is that he does not appear to have had bin Laden's approval. A story in ProPublica cites U.S. sources familiar with the documents found in Abbottabad saying bin Laden rejected the offer of the al-Qaeda leader in Yemen to step down in favor of the more popular al-Awlaki. The story also said bin Laden disapproved of the content of al-Awlaki's online magazineInspire.

Los Angeles Protests Support Middle East Revolutions

By Sarah Price
Guest Writer
The Independent Monitor, March 2011

The January 2011 uprising in Tunisia and removal of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali opened the door to citizen self-empowerment across the Middle East. But before the eruptions of the current revolts in Libya, Iraq, Bahrain, Iran and Yemen, Egypt led the way with its example of peaceful protests winning over violent government reactions.

Protests in support of the Egyptian people spread quickly across the world, largely being organized the same way: not by organized religious or idealogical groups, but by individuals, drawing people of all backgrounds together for a united cause, utilizing the fastest and most widespread forms of global communication: Facebook and Twitter.

Organizers of the February 5 protest at the Federal Building on Wilshire Blvd, Mohamed Kolkela, Amr Elshennawy, and Tamer Abdelrahim live in Los Angeles, but are all native Egyptians, and unaffiliated with any group, used the same methods to bring several hundred people together to voice their support.

Kolkela is from Mahalla El Kobra and has been in the United States for nine years.

“We can’t guarantee the result,” he said. “The people’s movement is the important part. They know they will lose their lives. They have no problem with that. If [Mubarak] stays, it will be chaos. When you kill the hope, you can’t get it back.”

Supporter Mazen Al Moukdad is from Syria, and has lived in the US for 32 years, and knew that the toppling of Mubarak was imminent and unavoidable.

“It’s a matter of time,” he said. “The revolution is going peacefully. The people organizing the protest have no desire for bloodshed. They speak for 85 million Egyptians. They will do whatever it takes. This corruption has been happening for 30 years. My prediction is he will be out by next Friday (February 11 – the day Mubarak did step down). I had a good feeling this was coming. It was a matter of time.”

He added that family and friends in Syria had suggested that there were similar stirrings happening there, and that there were issues beyond the obvious oppression in Egypt that needed to be addressed.

“There are more Egyptian doctors in the US than in Egypt,” he said. “It’s draining the resources, when you create intellectuals and they leave the country. But they had no option but to leave. [Mubarak] doesn’t care. That’s the problem.”

Addressing the crowd, Sarah Knopp, an American supporter from the International Socialist Organization, said, “We have a responsibility to get the boot of our government off the necks of the oppressed people around the world. We don’t just want [Mubarak] to go, we want him to give the money back to the Egyptian people, that he stole from them.”

Within hours of his resignation, the Swiss government moved to freeze any funds and assets in their banks that may belong to him or his family.

“Thank you to the Egyptian people,” Knopp said, “for setting the example of peace to the rest of the world.”

Unfortunately, the peaceful protests in Bahrain and Libya, in particular, have been met with extreme violence from police and military units. Libya’s Col. Moammar Gadhafi, proclaiming that he is not going anywhere, has asserted his authority by claiming he would crush those opposing him, and has followed through on his threat by using warplanes and helicopters to fire on his own people. Soldiers who have refused to kill the protesters have been killed themselves.

In Bahrain, authorities unleashed a brutal attack on sleeping protesters in Manama’s Pearl Square, using live rounds and tear-gas canisters, killing two and injuring more than four dozen, including children.

In Sana’a, Yemen, protesters demanding the immediate resignation of President Ali Abdullah Saleh have been energized by the attacks on them, making them more resolute to remove Saleh, who has been in power for 32 years, and had previously announced that he would not run again when his term ended in 2013. On February 23, seven members of parliament resigned in protest of the government’s violence against the demonstrators.

Currently in Iraq, protesters are taking to the streets in cities across the country to protest the lack of leadership and action, and continued corruption in the government. They want this parliament thrown out and an actual democratic election to follow – one with leaders they can hold accountable, and whom they can believe have their best interests at heart. Several large protests are planned, despite numerous deaths and injuries at previous protests.

In Iran, despite government-voiced support for the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings, days after Mubarak’s ousting, protesters in Tehran’s Enghelab (Revolution) Square were fired upon by police, and motorcycle police were reported to be chasing protesters through the streets. Later, the announcement of further protests caused the government to shut down phone service. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had even taken credit for the peaceful protests in Egypt, claiming the Egyptians were taking their inspiration from the 2009 demonstrations in Tehran. Demonstrators at that time were protesting what they believed was a corrupted election, leaving him in power. The activists were met with violence during the demonstrations and even imprisonment and torture after they had left, as police would go into their homes to arrest them.

This year’s widespread protests have been compared to the Eastern European revolutions of 1989/90, but it remains to be seen where these uprisings will lead. Despite the seeming victories of the activism in Tunisia and Egypt, and the resoluteness of the protesters across the Middle East, there is an aftermath that has to be dealt with – holding elections whose outcomes citizens feel they can trust; building an economy based on a new form of government; and electing a government that can help a country hold its own in a changing national landscape and foreign policy. But for those who are putting themselves in the way of danger or even death to make a change, these new problems are far more desirable than one more day with the old ones.

President Obama in Cairo – “A New Beginning” … or the Same Story?

By Sarah Price and Nizar Latif
July 2009, The Independent Monitor

The run-up to President Barack Obama’s first Middle East address, entitled “A New Beginning,” was wrought with curiosity and speculation. His views on the Middle East during his campaign and early presidency had been difficult to pin down, and reactions to his statements were, thus far, polarizing. He had made outreach to the Muslim world a top priority, releasing aid to Gaza and appearing on Arabic television within days of taking office; but he had also stayed quiet about his Muslim roots and his level of support of Muslims during his presidential campaign, even failing to speak out against negative comments referring to him as an Arab – and by extension, a negative view of Arabs in general – on Arizona Senator John McCain’s campaign trail. His comments to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in June 2008 were also unsettling to the Arab and Muslim world, as they seemed to exhibit a bias toward Israel – even claiming Jerusalem the capital of Israel – and therefore potentially another four-to-eight years of difficulties and disappointments for them.

His address in Cairo focused largely on cases of Muslim extremism; Israeli and Palestinian peace talks; and Pres. Obama’s efforts to remake the image of Islam in the West. But one subject that was largely absent from the speech was that of the current state of, and military pull-out from Iraq.

He made a point of stating that Iraq was a war of choice – a choice made by the previous administration – and that his philosophy was to “leave Iraq to the Iraqis,” claiming that he would stick to the current plan of removing troops from Iraqi cities by July 2009, combat brigades by August 2010, and all remaining troops by December 2011.

In Iraq, a referendum to be held in July 2009 would decide whether U.S. troops should leave sooner than the previously agreed-upon dates. The referendum was expected to pass, with many in Iraq eager to see U.S. troops leave, as they believe that will bring some normalcy to their lives. Still, there is fear that U.S. troops leaving too soon would only open the door to further takeover by militia groups, an increasing Iranian influence, and the collapse of an already weak government and under-trained security forces.

And there was mixed reaction from Iraqis about his motives and true intentions, as well as the tone of his address to the Muslim world.

"Obama said that the war on Iraq was [the U.S.’s] will, and this fact is undisputed, as they came to occupy Iraq for oil and energy, not to liberate the Iraqi people,” said Sheik Saleh Mohammed, a Sahwah (Awakening) Council leader in Saab Al Bour, in northern Baghdad. “I don’t think they will develop Iraq. These are just empty promises. I think that he will withdraw troops in 2012 because he promised the American people and he will fulfill his promise. But he will not withdraw all the troops. He wants to ensure control over oil and energy from Iraq. He said he will make Iraq a real partner and friend, but I ask, why do they have to stay in Iraq? Why do you want a strong relationship with us, if not only for our resources?”

Sheikh Mohammed al-Khafaji, a leader in the al-Sadrist movement, agreed that Obama’s words were empty and, at times, misused, pointing out his apparent misunderstanding of Islam.

"I would disagree with Obama that Islam is an integral part of America,” he said. “It would have been better to say that Muslims are an integral part of America. The establishment of Islam is imposed on Muslims; while in America, there is freedom of religious observance. And it sounds like Obama doesn’t know much about Islam, as he interpreted the claims of Islam wrong.”

In his speech, Pres. Obama said, “The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.” Al- Khafaji feels that he missed the point.

“The verse cited by Obama allows the killing of Obama himself, because his forces in Iraq kill innocent people and steal public money,” he said. “This is the interpretation of that Quran verse.”

He also thought that such a short timetable for U.S. troop withdrawal from Iraq would cause problems not only for the country, but for the troops as well, stating that he believed there could be violence toward them during the pull-out.

But Dr. Ismail Haddad, a political analyst from Baghdad, was encouraged by Obama’s choice of words.

“He didn’t mention the word terrorism,” he said. “He replaced it with the words extremism and violence, which indicates a change in American policy towards the war on terrorism, focusing on Afghanistan and Pakistan, home to al Qaeda activity, and not focusing only on the military aspects of the fight against extremism and violence. Obama's policy is based on the side of military force to aid the development of areas of activity to undermine the chances of extremism, because extremists use those conditions to recruit new members."

"The world waited a long time for Barack Obama's speech; it was truly unprecedented,” said Dr. Rahman Alkurani, a professor of politics at Sulaymaniyah University in Iraqi Kurdistan. “He wanted to send a message, to launch a new phase of friendly relations between his country and the world – the Arab and Muslim relationship based on mutual trust, respect and common interests – and work to end the conflict between the peoples of the region, and to guide the energies of the development and evolution, rather than being squandered in wars and destruction. He has achieved significant success in winning the hearts and minds of this segment and, in particular, young people.

”We have achieved a victory with President Obama as a senior diplomat, and his country as a superpower, and managed to pull the rug from under the feet of extremists,” he added, “creating a civilization that can accept the ideas of pluralism and a spirit of tolerance and peaceful coexistence between followers of different religions and sects.”

He said he believed Pres. Obama exhibited strength and wisdom, and repeated the words of Thomas Jefferson, that he had cited in his speech: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."

Iraq’s Poorest Finding it Harder to Survive

Huda, in the cast, will lose her arm if she cannot get treatment soon. (Photo: N. Latif)


By Sarah Price and Nizar Latif

IRAQ, July 15, (Pal Telegraph) - Asime is 13 and lives in east Baghdad. He has lost both his parents in the last two years, and is now taking care of a sick uncle. With no job opportunities and insufficient help from the Iraqi government, he has had to turn to crime to survive. He hates to steal, but knows that without this, he and his uncle will starve.

"My father died two years ago and then my mother died six months later, so my uncle took me in," he says. "He is poor, but said he wanted me with him because he doesn't have any children, and he knew the orphanage couldn't care for me well. But now, my uncle is seriously ill and cannot work. So, now I have to steal - from shops, or from older people. I steal valuable things, because they can be sold for money.

"I hate to steal. It's bad and I don't have the right to do it. But I have the right to life, and the government doesn't provide enough for me and my sick uncle, so I am compelled to steal, for money and food. My uncle doesn't know what I do. I told him I clean up some of the shops in the market for the money."

But he has been offered work - as part of a gang, which is very active in eastern Baghdad and is known for abducting children of the rich.

"I felt very scared, because this work is very dangerous," he says. "It is reasonable to steal and get the money, but it is not reasonable to engage in terrorist acts for it."

But while he will not turn to kidnapping, he cannot stop stealing. He says he will stop when he can earn enough from a job, or when the Iraqi government will provide enough money to allow him to. But he knows his days are numbered. The Iraqi police will catch him eventually.

Asime is one of approximately 2.5 million children in Iraq who have lost one or both parents due to the war, or sectarian or militia violence. The lack of available work and support from the government or humanitarian organizations has led many children to theft, and some of their mothers to prostitution, just to have food. Those who cannot buy food sift through garbage to find something to feed their families, leading also to health problems that they cannot afford to treat.

Umm Ali lost her husband three years ago. She lives in a very old building in a poor and dirty district in the city of Kut, in southern Iraq. Her apartment has no furniture, does not contain electrical appliances, or cold water to drink to endure the deadly heat of the Iraqi summer.

"My husband was working in the men's clothing store in downtown Kut, when a clash between the Mahdi Army and the U.S. military broke out in the market center of the city," she says. "He was killed in the crossfire. Since then, I have tried to make a better life for my children, but life is very difficult and I cannot provide them with the most basic requirements of life. Sometimes we do not have food for days, and the children have to search for food from the garbage."

Umm Ali talks about the death of her son, Ali, in the photo behind her (Photo: N. Latif)

Sometimes she gets temporary work, which helps feed her six kids, but when she can't work, they find themselves begging for money and help. What money she does get from work lasts only long enough to feed the family for a few days.

In addition to the daily struggles of raising her children alone, she is dealing with a new family tragedy: her son, Ali, 13, was killed by a guided missile that fell near their house, and her daughter Huda, 7, injured by the shrapnel in it, while they were playing outside one day. She could not afford to bury Ali, and had to rely on the help of neighbors and friends. And she has not been able to get medical care for Huda. As a result, Huda's arm is infected, and without prompt medical attention, she could lose it altogether. She says that due to the lack of adequate medical treatment in Iraq, the care Huda has been able to get has not helped her. Her flesh is rotting, and every day that passes without medical attention makes her prognosis worse.

"Our lives were much better when my husband was alive," says Umm Ali. "He was very involved. He provided food and clothing for the family, and solved the problems of my sons, and he was interested in all the details, large and small. But since his death, I think I've lost control of my family, and I worry that they could become criminals and dangerous when they grow up, because I couldn't give them a decent life."

She does get help from some humanitarian organizations, she says, but it's not enough.

"My wish was to see my children get a good education and study in universities and become important people in their community," she says. "But instead they are beggars on the street, and they hardly have any food to eat. They could lose their future and become dangerous to people in their community."

Nisreen al-Musawi, director of the Anwarul organization, which takes care of widows and orphans in Wasit Province in southern Iraq, says, "Widows and orphans suffer total neglect by the Iraqi officials, and the problem has increased significantly over the past three years, especially after the events of community violence, which affected all segments of Iraqi society and the increased numbers of widows and orphans across Iraq."

She points out that while some organizations are trying to help, it is not nearly enough to curb the problems caused by this epidemic:

"We're getting support from some international organizations such as the United Nations and other groups that attempt to provide assistance to widows and orphans," she says, "as well as some support from the Iraqi government, some Iraqi officials, the American forces, and some support from the rich, but the Iraqi support is not sufficient for the needs of this large army of widows and orphans."

She feels that there could have been preventative measures taken to stop this situation from occurring, but that the government did not take care of it when it should have. She fears for the future of these families, as well as the impact it could have on the country.

"Terrorist organizations, militias and al-Qaeda are trying to recruit the largest possible number of widows and orphans to their side in the fight against the U.S. military or Iraqi security forces, and they have succeeded in that because widows and orphans are suffering from neglect in Iraq and suffering from hunger and difficult living conditions," she says. "This is what makes them easy targets for al-Qaeda and militias. There is a huge number of widows and orphans at their disposal."

Umm Mohammed is a widow who lives next door to Umm Ali. The fatigue her life causes her shows on her face and can be heard in her voice. She is the mother of four young boys - Mohammed, 12, Ahmed, 10, Mazin, 8, and Moualk, 3. She has a job cleaning a school nearby so she can provide for them, but comes home so tired she finds it hard to do much more. She is considering taking them out of school so they can work and help her, as school and living costs have risen steeply, and state funds don't cover enough of the expenses.

"The state provides less than $100 per month, which is not enough to take care of the family for three days," she says. "Iraq is a country very rich in resources, sufficient to provide a decent life for all Iraqis. The Iraqi officials should stop the theft of Iraqi funds and channel these funds for the widows and orphans, because we are ready to do anything to get food and clothing."

But she is concerned that her children will also be willing to do anything for money, including turning to crime, and she is very concerned about their future.

"I have many friends who are widows, and they are all suffering from ill-treatment by the Iraqi government," she says. "There are no jobs for them or their children, and they are living in very difficult circumstances. Some of them have to work as prostitutes.

"We do not have the simple necessities of life. We live in apartments built in the sixties, and these apartments may collapse at any moment. We do not have any furniture in my house, and we eat very bad food. Perhaps some animals eat better meals."

With tens of thousands of families living below the poverty level in Wasit Province alone, and no government solution on the horizon, al-Musawi fears the humanitarian crisis will only worsen.

Sameh Habeeb: A Voice from Gaza Speaks to the World

By Sarah Price
July 2009 (The Independent Monitor)

It’s January 2009, and Israeli bombs have been devastating the besieged Gaza Strip for days. Hundreds are dead and injured; thousands are homeless; and the UN school in Gaza City, where civilians have been told to go for shelter, has just been bombed.

23-year-old journalist Sameh Habeeb is looking for a way to tell the world. But it is not easy: the power remains out in most of the strip, and as he searches Gaza City for somewhere to connect to the internet – often his only link to life outside Gaza – bombs fall around him.

When he finally manages to transmit his daily reports over a slow and unreliable dial-up internet connection, his words are picked up by friends and readers waiting to hear the updates, but more importantly, waiting to see if he has made it through the night. From his blog – Gaza Strip, the Untold Story – and his Facebook page, his words spread like wildfire throughout the internet:

“Day 9 of Israeli War On Gaza - Death toll 470, injured 2600, disastrous humanitarian situation. The operation started Saturday 8pm accompanied by heavy coverage from
artillery machine, naval gunboats and Air Force. Five key access witnessed the advancement of Israeli army. In the north, a group of tanks and soldiers advanced from Erez crossing and another group from Beit Lahia…”

His reporting began immediately after the bombing started on Saturday, December 28, 2008, as children were walking home from school.

“I was outside with my friends when the bombing started, and we went quickly to our houses and our families,” he recalls. “But it was very sad for the children that were killed that day, because the children were killed and no one knew about them. When they were going out from their schools, the schools were hit, because some of their schools were beside the police stations.”

At the Islamic University in Gaza City – one of the schools bombed during the war – he had studied English Language and Literature, but with the effects of the siege and what he perceived as an international blackout of news from Palestine, especially in English-language news outlets, he knew he needed to find a way to transmit word of Gaza’s suffering to the world. So, two years ago, he began to use his English skills to become a journalist. His experience, contacts, and growing readership helped support his efforts during the war, but it was still a challenge.

“It was very complicated. You had to write, you had to collect news and information about the war, and you had no power, no internet connection, and all these things you need for journalism were not available in the Gaza Strip - especially the power,” he explains. “So, when you are able to collect the news, you are not able to send the news. This is what happened to me.”

His family worked together and became a media unit, gathering news and calling hospitals and ministry departments, then translating the news into English and finding a way to transmit the details. Sameh also gave phone interviews around the clock to outside news agencies.

His family survived the onslaught, but some of his friends did not.

“Some friends of mine were killed, and I witnessed how they were killed,” he remembers. “I witnessed all the suffering. I witnessed how the people were scattered and their bodies were amputated. I saw the blood flowing in the streets near Shifa Hospital. I saw the children crying, fleeing to their houses when the bombing started that Saturday.”

His daily updates on the war brought him international attention, and when the war was over, those who had followed his reports wanted to meet him, and he accepted several European invitations to speak and give presentations about the war and on life in Gaza. Securing a visa to the UK was an ordeal in itself, but he finally made it out of Gaza through the Rafah border to Egypt in early March. He has spoken in more than 15 cities in England, and conducted meetings with parliament members, some of whom have responded very positively to his message. He has also toured Holland and France, and has more trips planned for Iceland, Sweden, Denmark, and Greece. He is also trying to obtain a student visa, so he can stay and earn his masters degree in England.

But where he really wants to make an impact is in the United States. He believes it is important to show the reality of this life to Americans who may only hear Israel’s side of the story.

“Imagine if Americans were living in the situation we are living in,” he says. “Imagine if you had in Florida, or in Texas, a separation wall in the neighborhoods. Imagine if you had in Washington, DC, 600 checkpoints. Imagine if you could not travel from Miami to Oregon. This is what the American people should be aware of - that we are suffering, we are under occupation, and we are being killed and massacred. We’re not trying to be victims. This is the truth. This is a fact being sent out by Desmond Tutu, by Jimmy Carter, by John Ging, the UNRWA field operations director, all these guys and many others. The American people should change the mentality. Not only listening to Ha’aretz, and not only listening to Fox News, and Israeli-controlled media.”

But, he says, he strives to keep his reports unbiased.

“I am a citizen journalist. I don’t want to be one-sided; I want to be fair in my points. I believe what I do is sacred, because I send out the suffering of the people. I am speaking on their behalf, and no one is doing this mission. I’m not being paid by the government, I’m not being paid by an organization. What I do is personal. I just narrate the stories and accounts from the ground, and let them judge.”

On President Obama’s recent assertions about Palestine, he said he gives him credit for talking about a Palestinian state when so few before him have done so, but he doesn’t want to get his hopes up.

“I want to be realistic about Obama. I don’t want my aspirations to reach the sky, out of nothing,” he says. “Obama is saying there should be a Palestinian state, but he is saying it in an abstract way. He won’t be able to stop the settlements, I’m sure of this. They have continued to build the settlements, despite the Oslo Agreement.

“In Netanyahu’s speech, he was talking about a Palestinian state in which we won’t have control of the borders, we don’t have an army, we don’t have control over the sea or the airspace, we have nothing. So, Obama is positive when he is talking about a Palestinian state, but he is negative when you go into the details about the meaning of the Palestinian state.”

Sameh hopes to make it to the U.S. in the next few months, and is currently accepting invitations from organizations here. He would also like to work in the U.S. as a journalist, translator or interpreter. But his mission remains one of education – the education of a world that has been told that Palestinians are terrorists and undeserving of a homeland of their own, and who will remain without one, if those who know better don’t continue to stand up and be heard.

Iraqis Fear an Uncertain Future

Mohsen Ali sleeps on a Baghdad street corner (Photo: Nizar Latif)

By Sarah Price and Nizar Latif
July 2009 (The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs)

As June 30 nears, Iraqis are waiting to see whether Washington will observe the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) deadline for the withdrawal of U.S. soldiers from Iraqi cities. According to the agreement, all U.S. troops (except for an estimated 70,000 who will remain in Iraq as trainers and advisers) are to be withdrawn from the country by December 2011.

Under Sunni President Saddam Hussain, Iraq’s minority Sunnis were favored over the majority Shi’i. Even though Shi’i Iraqis are now more proportionately represented in government and other sectors, however, Sunni and Shi’i Iraqis alike expressed mistrust of U.S. intentions. None of the Iraqis interviewed for this article seemed to feel that their lives had improved since the U.S. invaded in 2003.

“U.S. forces entered Iraq six years ago and have not improved my life—ever.”

Mohsen Ali, 50, is a former teacher in Baghdad who now calls the city’s streets home.

“Saddam Hussain executed my two sons in 2000 after they refused to join the Ba’ath party. They cursed the party and said bad things about it in public, so Saddam executed them,” he explains. “After their death, my wife left me. Now I’m homeless. I sleep in the streets and public squares every day and ask people to help me, so I can live a normal life. This was my life prior to—and since—the arrival of U.S. forces.”

Ali, a Shi’i Iraqi, believed his life would improve greatly after the fall of Hussain’s regime. “I thought it would be possible to live in a house, even get a small stipend of aid from the new Iraqi government or from the Americans,” he says, “but the truth is that my life has not changed. President Bush, before he entered Baghdad in 2003, promised the Iraqi people a better life and a better future.”

That future now seems uncertain.

“I do not believe the U.S. troops will get out of Iraq at all,” says Mazen Shojaa, 33, “because the goal of America is to control the wealth of Iraq. The U.S. claims that it will leave in 2011, but this is merely an anesthetic for the Iraqi people. They are lying to themselves and the world.”

Shojaa, a Sunni from the area of Ghazaliya, west of Baghdad, was unhappy with the entry of U.S. troops into Iraq, because he opposed the country’s rule by a foreign force that cared nothing about his people.

“Prior to the occupation,” he recalls, “we had a good and normal life, despite some difficulties brought on by the economic blockade imposed by America, and we had freedom, safety and stability.”

Shojaa says he now fears for his life every day. While he once hoped that U.S. troops would leave soon, with the emergence of Iranian intervention in Iraq and what he sees as the hegemony of some of Iraq’s ruling parties, Shojaa has changed his mind. He now hopes U.S. troops will stay to help Iraqis ward off Iranian influence and interference.

Jamal al-Din Yassin, 56, a grocer from the Karrada district in east Baghdad, disagrees that the U.S. will remain in Iraq past the SOFA deadline, and feels more hopeful about Iraq’s future.

“[They will leave] because the U.S. has suffered much from the occupation of Iraq and has had many of its soldiers killed and wounded,” he argues.

Like his fellow Shi’i Mohsen Ali, Yassin’s life before the occupation was difficult.

“I was bitter and there was a lot of poverty,” he says. “We thought the arrival of U.S. troops could change the reality of the situation, but now I’m afraid for myself and my family because of the loss of security and stability in Iraq.”

Unlike Shojaa, however, Yassin believes Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has made great strides in rebuilding and strengthening Iraq’s security forces, enabling them to take a leadership role in establishing stability in their country.

“I feel that the exit of U.S. troops will not affect the security on the ground much,” he explains, “because Iraq in two years will be far more powerful than it is now.”

Muhammad Ali Ghani, 36, a Shi’i schoolteacher from Sadr City, also had high hopes for what the U.S. troops could do for Iraq, but disagrees that al-Maliki’s government is ready to take over.

“We were pleased with the entry of U.S. troops in Iraq, because we thought America would save Iraq from the dictatorship and abuses of Saddam,” says Ghani. “I was one of the first ones running to welcome the U.S. forces.”

But it soon became apparent that the U.S. didn’t know much about occupying a country, he continues, and the mistakes made in disbanding the Iraqi security forces opened the door to lawlessness, benefitting al-Qaeda and other militia groups.

“The loss of security in Iraq and the spread of corruption in the country and the decline of industry and agriculture all made me feel scared in Iraq,” Ghani says. “I don’t know where to go or what to expect in the future. The Iraqi government’s performance so far is weak. If Iraq doesn’t help itself with national political reconciliation, and by building strong army intelligence and security forces that can function on their own when the U.S. leaves, it could lead to renewed instability. Iraq may disintegrate and become subject to the small neighboring countries.”

Samah Moueen, 48, a Shi’i widow from the new Baghdad district, lost her husband in the Iraq/Iran war. She supports her two daughters by working as a cleaner in a small school in east Baghdad.

In Moueen’s opinion, “It would be very difficult for the U.S. troops to leave Iraq; I think they will stay more than a hundred years. American policy will not change with the Democrats in power. It won’t change no matter what the circumstances. The Americans have been planning to occupy Iraq for more than 40 years. They waited patiently for Iraq to be weak so they could have control over oil resources. America obtained the Iraqi cake and the victim is the Iraqi people, who have suffered the terrorism of al-Qaeda and the militias because of the U.S. occupation.

“I imagine that Iraq will be a real battlefield when the U.S. troops leave, because it doesn’t currently have security forces that can take control,” she worries. “And we also have Iran, which carries a significant weight. Its influence is strong and plays a very negative role in Iraq. So, I hope that the U.S. troops do not leave in 2011. The worst thing for women in Iraq would be if the party that took control was from Iran, or the Islamic government in Iraq.”

As for Mohsen Ali, he says he will continue to hope for the best.

“When the U.S. troops leave Iraq, I hope to find a safe place to live away from the fighting, because I expect that there will be a very bloody sectarian war,” he says. “I will stay sleeping on the streets for the rest of my life, and I have to find a street where I can sleep better. I dream for a good future, either by the Americans or the Iraqi government.”

As Temperatures Rise, Iraq Faces Continued Power Outtages

By Sarah Price and Rawsam Latif
June 12, 2009 (The Palestine Telegraph)


Yasser Rahman extends wires from a large generator in a neighborhood to surrounding homes, whose families, without his help, would spend a lot of time in the dark.

"The work is very serious but we have to work to live," he says. There are few job opportunities in Iraq right now, he explains, and even fewer for those, like him, who lack a degree. So, he takes the work he can get - powering homes and government buildings by extending wires from large generators to the waiting buildings. In addition to extending power from his own generator to houses and government buildings in the area, he also extends power lines from other districts. But it is a rigged operation, and things could turn dangerous for him at any time during the process.

"I know that this work may put my life in danger," he says, "but it's better than being out of work."

With the continuing problem of dropped electrical service in both the public and private sectors, there is an increasing demand for those with Yasser's talents. The labor sector in Iraq is growing jobs and businesses associated with this crucial occupation. Workers earn an average of $50 a month per home for their effort.

"The work I am doing is a kind of humanitarian service to the citizens," says generator owner Omar Rafed Maamuri, who has been unable to get a government job for the past five years. This work, he says, allows him to provide for his family, while making life a bit easier for his fellow Iraqis, who are displeased with the government's lack of service and solutions to the ongoing electricity crisis, and the fact that the citizens have had to take this job on themselves. But the generators are no long-term solution, he says. "They are expensive, unreliable, and use a lot of fuel."

"It's not a process that is fully adequate, but it is better than nothing, with the scarcity of the national power supply," says Abu Ala Al-Zubaidi, 44, from the Noaab Zbbat neighborhood, east of Baghdad. It is not a perfect solution, he explains, but it at least allows them to run a fan and have cold water in the hot summers.

"The Iraqi government must work hard to repair the electrical energy and rehabilitate the dilapidated infrastructure," he says. "We rent electricity from those big generators and we spend so much money. When the summer comes, it's hell for us. Iraqis can't continue to cope with these large and frequent interruptions of power."

However, according to Iraq's Aswat al-Iraq news agency, an official from the Ministry of Electricity announced on June 10 that electricity production has increased by 25% in 2009, and that "this year's production will provide two-thirds of the country's electricity needs... A fair distribution will supply all citizens with electricity for 12 hours a day."

But according to Sultan Aziz, Director of the Media Office of the Ministry of Electricity, the efforts are marred by a lack of funding by the prime minister. The ministry has contracts in place with companies that would facilitate providing the services, but they are awaiting funding from the prime minister towards the signing of the contracts.

There is also a dispute over the division of duties. "We bear the burden of providing fuel for power plants, but this work is the prerogative of the Ministry of Oil, and we need to protect the power lines, and that is the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Interior, not us," says Aziz. "The road has been difficult for the Ministry of Electricity of Iraq to keep the electric system alive, but we are optimistic about a prosperous future."

In the meantime, Iraqis face months of temperatures expected to be upward of 110 degrees, and in some areas of the country, no more than an hour of electricity a day.